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The Green Belt must not be sacrificed for housing
By
Telegraph View
Next week will see the publication of yet another housing White Paper designed
to “get Britain building again”. Sajid Javid, the Communities Secretary, seeks
to succeed where all of his predecessors have failed and hit the targets for the
supply of new homes.
He needs to do this within certain political parameters. Mr Javid may be under
pressure from many sides to abandon protection of the Green Belt but he cannot
do this without reneging on a promise made by the Conservatives in their 2015
election manifesto. Moreover, the Conservatives have championed the idea of
greater local democracy. It would, therefore, be at odds with that approach if
he were to force councils to adopt development plans they do not want.
The good news is that from what we know Mr Javid does not propose to go down
either of these routes. He intends that existing Green Belt protections should
remain in place. His White Paper will, however, reiterate the current position
that green belt land can be developed in exceptional circumstances or when there
is local agreement. It has never been the case that the Green Belt cannot be
built on; but it should take place within very strict limits. The Tory election
manifesto stated categorically “The Green Belt is safe for another five years
under a Conservative Government”. They must stick to that.
As to local democracy, councils are required to draw up plans for new house
building if they are to avoid having them forced on them by planning
presumptions. However, one problem is that many councils then fail to follow
through on their stated aims. One question to be addressed by the White Paper is
how they can be encouraged to do what they say.
A further area that must be better explored is the development of brownfield
sites. The manifesto included a commitment to “prioritise brownfield
development” and the White Paper needs to show how this can be achieved. The
Home Builders Federation have proposed a “presumption in favour of residential
development on appropriate brownfield sites” to replace the current system of
“public sector-led solutions through brownfield registers”. This is worth
exploring though it also has implications for local democracy. None the less, if
more houses are needed then it would be better if they were built in areas where
the infrastructure exists for a growing population rather than on greenfield
sites where roads, schools, GP surgeries and the like need to be provided.
Mr Javid’s White Paper will almost certainly take as given the almost
universally accepted assumption that not enough houses are being built to match
the demand created by new household formation. But is this actually true? Ian
Mulheirn of Oxford Economics argues that this approach is entirely based on
Whitehall projections that have turned out to be wrong. He has compared the
forecasts with the data for actual household formation and found that the
apparent requirement for at least 200,000 new built homes every year is not
borne out by the evidence. In other words, there is enough housing but there are
major problems of distribution and of inflation in London, the South East and
some other hot spots around the country.
Mr Mulheirn’s evidence should at least be examined by ministers before they
proceed. If there is no shortage of housing then other approaches are evidently
needed to solve the problems of inadequate levels of social provision and
rampant property price inflation. The latter is excluding many of our young
people from the prospect of buying their own home until well into their middle
age. Once upon a time, property ownership levels were higher in Britain than
almost anywhere in Europe, but in recent years countries like France have
overtaken us. It would be a betrayal of future generations not to address this –
it is whether it can be done purely by building more houses on greenfield sites
that is debatable.
One solution is to release more property currently underused by couples whose
children have left home and now wish to move into a smaller house. Tax
incentives to help them do so, such as an exemption from stamp-duty for
downsizers, should be considered. Perhaps, too, private tenants of council-owned
commercial property should have a right to buy and turn some of it to
residential use. A judicious combination of sticks and carrots may well help
unblock some of the sclerosis in the system preventing new building.
When the Government last tried to change the planning laws with the aim of
increasing house building, this newspaper campaigned to retain our unique
countryside and prevent the sort of development sprawl that has blighted so many
other countries. Ministers listened then and we trust they will do so again.
http://www.telegraph.co.uk/opinion/2017/02/04/thegreen-belt-must-not-sacrificed-housing/